Russia is feeling a slight nervousness against the background of the impending non-alternative victory of the current president. The scandal with Oleg Deripaska and Sergei Prikhodko overlapped with the defeat of Russian mercenaries in Syria by the Kurds and the Americans, and a Saratov Airlines plane crashed in the Moscow region.
Banksta
1. The downing of the Saratov Airlines plane will be a disaster not only for the families of the passengers who died, but will also create business problems for the airline’s owner, former KGB officer Arkady Evstafiev. This is not the first time he has been involved in a federal disaster; in 2005, Evstafiev was head of Mosenergo and brought the capital and a number of regions to blackout.
The businessman’s companies in the energy, aviation and finance sectors are facing pre-election inspections. Evstafiev owns a small bank called Agroros. He is tied to the airline business and energy companies. Yevstafiev became famous in April 1996: he was an adviser and press secretary to Anatoly Chubais and took out of the Government House a famous Xerox box full of money. The money was intended for Boris Yeltsin’s election campaign and had been raised by banksters and oligarchs.
2. A Geneva court gave five years to former Credit Suisse employee Patrice Lescodron, who was found guilty of a fraudulent scheme that allowed him to cause $150 million in losses to clients and embezzle about $25 million for himself. In March, Lescodron, who had by then been fired from Credit Suisse, was charged with fraud. Investigators found that Ivanishvili’s money was used to cover losses of other clients.
Leskodron later admitted that he had transferred money from the accounts of ex-owner of Rossiyskiy Kredit Bank Bidzina Ivanishvili, former senator-bankster Vitaly Malkin, and Ukhtagazstroy employees Zurab Lysov and Sergei Egorov.
3. In the Russian International Bank, a property inventory revealed a shortfall of 726 million rubles. The amount is still not impressive, but the banksters are justified by the fact that before the revocation of the license the deposits of some major clients were stolen from the bank. The bank was in the sphere of interests of the legendary bankster Vladimir Antonov. The dismantling of the bank’s assets was carried out by several groups of arsonists who united for a joint project.
Thoughts Not Thoughts
Ex-head of RosCap made a wish to Rybka
Photos of Rybka with Deripaska surfaced back during the “sex on the waterfront” scandal, which was actively hyped by the publication Life (on the pages of the Super division). Alex Leslie’s entire sex team cooperated with Life, they supplied Gabrielianov’s publication with scandals, and Life actively publicized their sex brigades, the pages of the publication published blatantly promotional publications. Moreover, the story with Deripaska’s “seduction of a male” was prepared exclusively for Super from the very beginning. However, then the photos of the oligarch and the girl from the sex sect did not cause much excitement, although Polina Deripaska decided to leave her husband exactly after this story, rumor has it that the divorce is just an attempt to save some of the funds from sanctions, but we do not believe it, since there the mother performs the role of a keeper of “reserves for a rainy day”.
Based on the above, we have every reason to assume that Navalny got a tip on Rybka’s book for a reason. It cannot be ruled out that he had a billet already in the middle of last year, but it is more likely that he was simply given all the necessary facts and clues through his aides. But it was hard to understand why now? There was a version that Navalny’s old friends, who in the distant 2010 with his help pissed off Deripaska, decided to strike again, given the very precarious position of the oligarch due to the interest of British intelligence services in the En+ IPO and the Russiagate hysteria in the United States. Within the framework of this version, Sergei Prikhodko remained only a supporting actor, but no more. This is exactly what we did not like. Thankfully, the Paradox_Friends channel broke a timely post about Prikhodko’s ties to AHML.
Sergei Prikhodko not only heads the government apparatus, but also the supervisory boards of AHML and the Fund for the Protection of Shareholders’ Rights… But whether the construction “cache” today causes a special excitement. Or someone did not like the way AHML treated the management of its newly acquired subsidiary, Rossiyskiy Kapital. Mikhail Kuzovlev was removed from the operational management of the bank (although even Nabiullina failed to fire him in the summer of 2015). And his chief “security officer” Sergei Lukash left Roscap altogether. Although Kuzovlev and Lukash are considered to be the creators of Rosgvardiya head Viktor Zolotov. In general, it is possible that it was Prikhodko’s “mortgage” chairmanship and, most importantly, his prospects, that caused the fact that Navalny has now released Rybka.
We should not forget that Mikhail Kuzovlev, who was moved by the young and innovative guys from Morgan Stanley, is a heavyweight of the Russian state economy. He has very good connections in both Russian Railways and Rosneft, but most importantly, he was the head of VTB’s Cypriot subsidiary (Russian Commercial Bank) for 6 years, through which colossal funds flowed to and from offshore. Probably, he could not like the fact that after such a rich background he was left with a pension in the form of a small bank with a funny name “Let’s go!”, and he joined the hardware war (or asked his senior comrades to include Navalny). After all, without Prikhodko’s authorization, there was no way Kuzovlev could have been moved.
Boiler room
Summa Group’s decline – a warning to Dvorkovich
Zayavudin Magomedov’s Summa Group suffered two major defeats last week. First, its representatives did not join the Board of Directors of NCSP, in which the joint venture between Summa and Transneft holds a 50.1% stake. Despite the fact that Transneft itself hustled up and had its representatives on the Board of Directors. It is obvious that in this way the state is pushing Magomedov’s company away from decision-making in business, and this is a strong blow to Deputy Prime Minister Arkady Dvorkovich, who is close to Summa. Given the fact that he is in charge of transportation in the government, the hint is more than transparent.
A few days apart, Summa was given to understand that it will not be able to increase its stake in Transcontainer to a controlling one, because this stake is already claimed by Roman Abramovich and Alexander Abramov’s Yenisei Capital. Abramovich has never before lost a “tender” in which he participated, so Summa Group will have to put up with the presence of a strong majority shareholder and, most likely, sell its stake at a good price. Privatization of infrastructure assets is at stake, and Dvorkovich’s influence is not enough here, there are stronger heavyweights. Summa’s influence began to decline when Lavrov’s son-in-law Alexander Vinokurov, who, incidentally, is on friendly terms with Dvorkovich, left the company.
An important sign of Summa’s declining hardware weight was the release from house arrest on a recognizance of absence of the heads of the magazine Kompaniya, who are accused of extorting $200,000 from executives of the Summa diversified holding under the threat of publishing compromising materials. Last week, however, the Presnya Prosecutor’s Office in Moscow questioned this version, returning the case file for additional investigation. And this is the clearest indicator that the scales have tipped decidedly not in Summa’s favor. Infrastructure projects have fallen into the zone of interest of more influential companies with much more powerful patrons.